Politics

/

ArcaMax

Andreas Kluth: Just the threat of US nuclear testing is bad enough

Andreas Kluth, Bloomberg Opinion on

Published in Op Eds

Just as nuclear war, in all its sheer insanity, has returned to Hollywood and public attention, the leaders of the world’s two atomic superpowers seem to be doing their best to make the jitters worse.

First, Russian President Vladimir Putin, who’s been breaking nuclear taboos for at least three years, boasted about a (new-ish) torpedo drone and a nuclear-powered (and possibly nuclear-armed) cruise missile. Apparently in response, President Donald Trump then posted on social media that the U.S. would “immediately” start “testing our Nuclear Weapons on an equal basis.”

Leave aside what “on an equal basis” might mean and just take Trump’s post literally. He seems to want to start detonating nuclear warheads again — as one of his former national-security advisers recommended last year.

The United States last tested a live warhead in 1992. Since the 1990s, however, only one country has exploded fission bombs (North Korea, six times). The eight other nuclear powers have instead abided by the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, which 187 countries have signed.

Because the U.S., Russia, China and several others have yet to ratify the treaty, it isn’t technically in force. But for three decades, a de facto moratorium on testing has held up. It represents one of the so-called nuclear taboos meant to preserve stability.

What would happen if the U.S. started testing again?

Domestically, Trump would have himself a big political problem. The explosions would presumably take place at the existing test site in Nevada. If the warheads aren’t too big, the fallout of an underground detonation should be containable. Then again, Las Vegas and its sprawl have inched closer to the test site since 1992, and Nevadans and their congressional delegation would kick up a huge fuss, possibly splintering the MAGA coalition just as the midterm elections come due. Trump can’t want that.

Internationally, an American breach of the moratorium would liberate Russia, China and the other nuclear powers, including Pakistan and India, to have at it too. The question then becomes who “benefits” most in relative terms.

Jeffrey Lewis, an expert on nukes at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey, told me that America would gain almost nothing, whereas China would leap ahead in developing its arsenal and catching up with the U.S.S. The reason has to do with data and the software to crunch it.

Between 1945 and 1992, the U.S. tested by far the most warheads, a total of 1,030 (not counting the ones dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki) out of 2,056. So it has the most data about the physics of fission, which it can feed into its state-of-the-art algorithms to design new warheads, which then don’t need testing.

Russia also has a lot of data (from 715 Soviet tests) but lags in crunching power. China, by contrast, only has data from 45 tests, but computing prowess that is at least equal to America’s.

If everyone were to start testing again, China would “learn the most” and advance asymmetrically, Lewis told me. That’s not an outcome that Trump could possibly desire. (As it happens, he fired off his Truth post just minutes before meeting Chinese President Xi Jinping.)

 

A resumption of testing by the big three, Lewis added, would also “contribute to a general sense that nuclear weapons are here forever and an important tool for being a big state, and countries that want to be big state should want to get into the nuclear business.” That means proliferation.

North Korea already absorbed the malignant lesson that states which give up their nuclear programs (such as Libya or Ukraine) may end up getting bombed, whereas going nuclear seems to keep countries safe. Other nations have noticed too.

The worst consequence would be the least quantifiable, Daryl Kimball at the Arms Control Association in Washington told me: It’s the fallout of the U.S. “becoming a rogue state” in the system. Putin has already broken one taboo (never threaten the use of nukes); North Korea and others have chipped away at another (against proliferation); China is breaching a third (don’t increase your existing arsenal). (1)

If the U.S. were now to blow up the taboo against testing, the world would become anarchic enough that somebody, somewhere, someday might break the ultimate taboo — and use nukes for the first time since 1945. No responsible world leader, least of all one who craves a legacy as “peacemaker,” could reasonably want to take this risk.

The good news is that this means that America, no matter what goes down on Truth Social, probably won’t resume nuclear testing. The bad news is that we even have to talk about it.

____

(1) Technically, the U.S., Russia, China, the UK and France are already in breach of Article VI of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, which obliges them “to pursue negotiations in good faith […] to nuclear disarmament.” Instead, all five are modernizing their arsenals, and China is growing it.

____

This column reflects the personal views of the author and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.

Andreas Kluth is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering US diplomacy, national security and geopolitics. Previously, he was editor-in-chief of Handelsblatt Global and a writer for the Economist.


©2025 Bloomberg L.P. Visit bloomberg.com/opinion. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

 

Comments

blog comments powered by Disqus

 

Related Channels

The ACLU

ACLU

By The ACLU
Amy Goodman

Amy Goodman

By Amy Goodman
Armstrong Williams

Armstrong Williams

By Armstrong Williams
Austin Bay

Austin Bay

By Austin Bay
Ben Shapiro

Ben Shapiro

By Ben Shapiro
Betsy McCaughey

Betsy McCaughey

By Betsy McCaughey
Bill Press

Bill Press

By Bill Press
Bonnie Jean Feldkamp

Bonnie Jean Feldkamp

By Bonnie Jean Feldkamp
Cal Thomas

Cal Thomas

By Cal Thomas
Christine Flowers

Christine Flowers

By Christine Flowers
Clarence Page

Clarence Page

By Clarence Page
Danny Tyree

Danny Tyree

By Danny Tyree
David Harsanyi

David Harsanyi

By David Harsanyi
Debra Saunders

Debra Saunders

By Debra Saunders
Dennis Prager

Dennis Prager

By Dennis Prager
Dick Polman

Dick Polman

By Dick Polman
Erick Erickson

Erick Erickson

By Erick Erickson
Froma Harrop

Froma Harrop

By Froma Harrop
Jacob Sullum

Jacob Sullum

By Jacob Sullum
Jamie Stiehm

Jamie Stiehm

By Jamie Stiehm
Jeff Robbins

Jeff Robbins

By Jeff Robbins
Jessica Johnson

Jessica Johnson

By Jessica Johnson
Jim Hightower

Jim Hightower

By Jim Hightower
Joe Conason

Joe Conason

By Joe Conason
Joe Guzzardi

Joe Guzzardi

By Joe Guzzardi
John Stossel

John Stossel

By John Stossel
Josh Hammer

Josh Hammer

By Josh Hammer
Judge Andrew P. Napolitano

Judge Andrew Napolitano

By Judge Andrew P. Napolitano
Laura Hollis

Laura Hollis

By Laura Hollis
Marc Munroe Dion

Marc Munroe Dion

By Marc Munroe Dion
Michael Barone

Michael Barone

By Michael Barone
Mona Charen

Mona Charen

By Mona Charen
Rachel Marsden

Rachel Marsden

By Rachel Marsden
Rich Lowry

Rich Lowry

By Rich Lowry
Robert B. Reich

Robert B. Reich

By Robert B. Reich
Ruben Navarrett Jr.

Ruben Navarrett Jr

By Ruben Navarrett Jr.
Ruth Marcus

Ruth Marcus

By Ruth Marcus
S.E. Cupp

S.E. Cupp

By S.E. Cupp
Salena Zito

Salena Zito

By Salena Zito
Star Parker

Star Parker

By Star Parker
Stephen Moore

Stephen Moore

By Stephen Moore
Susan Estrich

Susan Estrich

By Susan Estrich
Ted Rall

Ted Rall

By Ted Rall
Terence P. Jeffrey

Terence P. Jeffrey

By Terence P. Jeffrey
Tim Graham

Tim Graham

By Tim Graham
Tom Purcell

Tom Purcell

By Tom Purcell
Veronique de Rugy

Veronique de Rugy

By Veronique de Rugy
Victor Joecks

Victor Joecks

By Victor Joecks
Wayne Allyn Root

Wayne Allyn Root

By Wayne Allyn Root

Comics

Bill Day Pat Bagley Bob Englehart Christopher Weyant Jeff Koterba Ratt